{
  "bookName": "HISTORY OF THE MISSIONS",
  "authorName": "BERNARD DE VAULX",
  "publisherName": "HAWTHORN BOOKS PUBLISHERS",
  "publicationYear": 2026,
  "chapterNumber": 8,
  "chapterName": "From the Establishment of Propaganda to Gregory XVI",
  "pageFrom": 84,
  "pageTo": 130,
  "pages": [
    {
      "pageNumber": 84,
      "ocrText": "CHAPTER VIII\nFROM THE\nESTABLISHMENT OF\nPROPAGANDA TO\nGREGORY XVI\nTHE BULL INSCRUTABILI DIVINAE AND THE\nINGOLI REPORTS\nThe idea of a Congregation of Propaganda seems first to have\noccurred to John of Vendeville, a jurist who had taken orders.\nIn 1567, he sent his first memorandum to Rome. It urged the\nneed to establish special seminaries for the formation of \"good\nworkers\". St Francis Borgia, the General of the Jesuits, had\nalso suggested the founding of an organization especially to\ndeal with the missions. Hence Pius V appointed a commission\ncomposed of four cardinals (1568). Gregory XIII increased its\nnumbers and founded many missionary seminaries and colleges.\nA further memorandum from Vendeville caused Clement VIII\nto decide that the initial commission should be developed, and\nit became the Congregation for matters concerning the Catholic\nfaith and religion (1592). Vendeville died in the same year.\nThe next step towards the final organization was not possible\nuntil the arrival on the scene of another zealous supporter of\nthe missions, the Carmelite Thomas of Jesus. A book which\nhe published in 1613 dealt with \"all the works that are of use",
      "status": "completed"
    },
    {
      "pageNumber": 85,
      "ocrText": "FROM ESTABLISHMENT OF PROPAGANDA TO GREGORY XVI 85\nto a religious and apostolic man\". He suggested that on a given\ndate a commission composed of eminent men should meet to\nstudy the problems raised by the apostolate to non-Christians.\nWith its five secretaries covering the whole of the known world,\nit was the future Congregation in embryo. Yet it only came\ninto existence on January 6th, 1622. It was given the name\nCongregatio de Propaganda Fide. The Bull Inscrutabili divinae\nof June 22nd in the same year gave it its official character.\nSix years later, a Bull of Urban VIII created the College of\nPropaganda, which was to undertake the \"choice of qualified\nministers who were to go to those peoples in the bondage of\nspiritual blindness and to shine with the brightness of an\nupright and well-ordered life, inflamed with an ardent zeal for\nsouls, standing on the mountains like lamps glowing with the\nlight of the Gospel teaching, dissolving and scattering, as far as\nlay in their power, the darkness of infidelity and heresy\".\nThe new organization was fortunate to have as its first secre-\ntary a learned jurist, Mgr Ingoli. His priestly life was above\nreproach, and he was so insensitive to honours that he never\nwore the insignia of his prelacy. In addition, he was a tireless\nworker. It is not surprising that with a character such as this,\nhe should have been a dyed in the wool authoritarian. He\nimmediately inaugurated a general inquiry among the nuncios\nand the mission institutes and heads. It gave him more com-\nplete information concerning abuses and disorders which were\nalready known in a broad sort of way. Missionaries were too\nfew in number and their intellectual and moral quality was\nsometimes inadequate. Some engaged in trade, many did not\nknow the native languages and showed little zeal in conferring\nOrders on native Christians whom they considered to be in-\nferior beings. Divisions were rampant everywhere, regulars\nagainst seculars, Portuguese against Spaniards in the Far East,\nregulars against other regulars. The choice of agents by the\nCouncils of the Indies left much to be desired and the less\nworthy among them often found the ecclesiastical authorities\nvery accommodating. But the men from whom the reports",
      "status": "completed"
    },
    {
      "pageNumber": 86,
      "ocrText": "86 FROM ESTABLISHMENT OF PROPAGANDA TO GREGORY XVI\ncame in and this was a good sign-expressed their wish that\nthe newly constituted authority would speedily elaborate and\nimpose reforms.\nMgr Ingoli laid the foundations of this reform in three\nreports, three documents of basic importance. In order to\nremedy the discord existing between missionaries and to put a\nstop to their trading activities, the 1625 report called for\ngreater discrimination in the choice of subjects, advised against\nthe intermingling of religious from different Orders or nations\nin the same diocese, and recommended that the bishops should\npreferably be chosen from among the seculars and that apos-\ntolic delegates should be appointed to supervise the missions.\nThe report of 1628 attacked the widespread prejudice against\nthe natives as incapable of receiving the fullness of the priest-\nhood. It not only recommended that they should be raised to\nthe priesthood, but also that they should not be kept on prin-\nciple in subordinate posts. As soon as it became possible,\nepiscopal sees, whose number should be increased, ought to be\nentrusted to them. This was the policy of Pius XI in embryo.\nFinally, the 1644 report denounced the inroads of the system\nof patronato and in particular the interference of royal officials\nof the Crown in the choice of bishops and the running of the\nmissions.\nThese three reports, inspired by the desire of the Holy See\nto claim for itself as an inalienable right the spiritual direction\nof the missions, were to give rise to serious conflicts with the\npatronato system, especially in Asia.\nFIRST MISSIONS SENT BY FRANCE TO CANADA,\nTHE ORIENT AND MADAGASCAR\nA departure from the stipulations in the Bulls of Alex-\nander VI appeared in the treaty of Vervins (1589) and made it\npossible for France to send her ships to the north of a line\npassing through the Canaries and for France's first missions to\ncome into being in North America.\nWe can hardly give the name of missions to the outposts",
      "status": "completed"
    },
    {
      "pageNumber": 87,
      "ocrText": "FROM ESTABLISHMENT OF PROPAGANDA TO GREGORY XVI 87\nestablished in Nova Scotia by a few isolated persons-one of\nthese was Lescarbot, a layman, who was followed by two\nJesuits. In any case, a Welsh adventurer arrived as early as\n1613 and made havoc of these settlements before their founders\nhad time to organize them properly.\nOn the other hand, Champlain, a pioneer who was convinced\nof \"the need to propagate the faith among the infidels by\nbringing among them some good religious\" laid the founda-\ntions of genuine missions when in 1615 he put ashore at\nQuebec four Recollects who, as early as the second half of\nJune, erected a chapel dedicated to the Immaculate Conception.\nTheir first investigations showed them that, apart from the\nHurons, who were relatively stable-some of them knew how\nto cultivate the soil the peoples in these territories led com-\npletely nomadic lives. If they were to be evangelized, they had\ntherefore to be made to settle down, to be prevented from\nwandering from place to place. Such a result might be achieved\nby giving Frenchmen, who were good agriculturists, the task\nof teaching them to turn the land to better account. In other\nwords, a settlement had to be made. Champlain launched an\nappeal for volunteers but it was hardly heeded to begin with\nexcept by Louis Hébert. Yet surely no one was better qualified\nfor this work than this apostle who, on his deathbed, offered his\nlife for the conversion of the Indians. He had been driven out\nof Nova Scotia in 1613. He returned to the St Lawrence with\nhis wife and children, married his daughter to a Norman, and\nthe untold numbers of magistrates, officers, merchants and\necclesiastics who were the descendants of this marriage rightly\nearned for Hébert the title of \"the father of believers\", \"the\ncolony's Abraham\".\nMeanwhile, at Tadoussac and Three Rivers, the first settle-\nments founded by the Recollects, the Indians proved super-\nstitious, inveterate polygamists and dominated by the spirit of\nrevenge. All this was the very antithesis of Christianity. And\ntheir language, so lacking in abstract terms, was inadequate to\nconvey to them the attributes of the Godhead. In these",
      "status": "completed"
    },
    {
      "pageNumber": 88,
      "ocrText": "88\nFROM ESTABLISHMENT OF PROPAGANDA TO GREGORY XVI\ndepressing circumstances the Recollects decided to call on the\nJesuits for help.\nThe first Jesuit mission, led by Fr Charles Lalemant, landed\nat Quebec in 1625. Two years later, Richelieu founded the\nCompany of the Hundred Associates, who guaranteed to send\nto Canada from 1628 onwards two or three hundred Frenchmen\nand four thousand more during the next fifteen years, all of\nthem Catholics. In Canada, the Edict of Nantes was no longer\nin force. The colonial settlement Champlain and the Recollects\nwished to see could now be founded. But, in the summer of\n1628, England had no difficulty in taking possession of a\nCanada entirely without means of defence. The missionaries\nput to sea again and only the members of the nascent Hébert\ntribe remained.\nSince Champlain was able to prove that the capture of\nQuebec took place after the signing of the treaty of Suse,\nwhich had ended hostilities between England and France, a\nnew mission, consisting entirely of Jesuits, arrived in Canada in\n1632, under the direction of Fr Le Jeune. He tried to keep the\nchildren at the mission station, with the parents' consent, so as\nto teach them the catechism. The restraint imposed on them\nby a regular life seemed intolerable to these children of nature\nand they were soon back with their tribes. Fr Le Jeune tried\nthe scheme again, this time with a better organization on the\nmaterial side, at Notre-Dame des Anges, in a Quebec suburb.\nHe also drew up a more liberal set of regulations. The little\nsavages again found it too oppressive. Several of them died,\none escaped. The only thing to be done was to close this\nembryo seminary.\nFr de Brébeuf, who had been received among the Hurons\nduring his first stay in the country, returned to them in 1633\nwith two other Fathers. They went from hut to hut and under-\ntook the task of catechizing children and adults. But the\nIndians' sorcerers persuaded them that the presence among\nthem of the Fathers was the cause of bad weather, drought,\nepidemics and every kind of calamity. It was decided that they",
      "status": "completed"
    },
    {
      "pageNumber": 89,
      "ocrText": "FROM ESTABLISHMENT OF PROPAGANDA TO GREGORY XVI\n89\nshould be put to death. The Fathers showed remarkable pluck\nby inviting their judges to a farewell banquet, as was the\ncustom. The massacre was cancelled.\nThe meagre results of these first contacts were a few children\nat Notre-Dame des Anges, a few dying people baptized and\nthe apostasy of all the catechumens \"except one or two families\nwho scarcely dared to hold up their heads\".\nThe Jesuits then decided to protect the catechumens against\nthe immense power of sorcery by isolating them in Christian\nvillages. Sillery, the first of these, grew up four miles from\nQuebec. It had a fort, a chapel, houses, a hospital, and a house\nfor the Jesuit fathers.\nIn fact, for some years previously, the missionary reports of\nLescarbot, Frs Biard and Massé, and especially after 1632, the\nannual publication by the Jesuits of Relations with a wide\ncirculation, had inaugurated a new attitude of mind. Canada\nceased to be thought of as the counterpart of More's Utopia.\nMen with the spirit of adventure, who were good Catholics\ntoo, were now arriving to colonize and build up New France.\nAt the same time volunteers-one might almost say crusaders-\ncame forward to work for the conversion of the Indians. Such\nwere Mother Marie de L'Incarnation, an Ursuline from Tours,\nwho with two of her nuns founded a boarding-school at Quebec\nfor the education of Indian children; Madame de la Pelterie\nwho, with some nursing Sisters from Dieppe, started a hospital,\nalso at Quebec; the members of the Society of Notre Dame of\nMontreal who, with the support of M. Olier and the Company\nof the Blessed Sacrament, and in a spirit of complete dis-\ninterestedness, built Ville Marie which was to become\nMontreal.\nWhile this apostolic emigration was arriving in Canada, the\nvillage of Sillery was well on the way to becoming, as the\nRelation for 1656-7 pointed out, \"the one matrix of Chris-\ntianity in the new world\". Members of various tribes, after\nliving there and receiving instruction and baptism, returned\nas apostles to their native territories. So other villages modelled",
      "status": "completed"
    },
    {
      "pageNumber": 90,
      "ocrText": "90 FROM ESTABLISHMENT OF PROPAGANDA TO GREGORY XVI\non Sillery grew up: Tadoussac, Three Rivers, Sainte-Marie de\nla Wye.\nOn the other hand, the Iroquois proved hostile and un-\nyielding. In 1642, Fr Jogues had been horribly mutilated by\nthem when, nobly sacrificing himself for his Huron converts,\nhe had refused to leave them when they were carried off as\ncaptives into Iroquois territory. After living among them, he\nno longer doubted that they planned to exterminate the Huron\nrace. Yet, when he was asked in 1646 to found a mission in\nIroquois territory, he obeyed knowing well the fate that awaited\nhim. He wrote to a brother Jesuit: Ibo et non redibo, \"I shall\ngo but I shall not return.\" And the Iroquois put him to death\non October 18th, 1649. In the years that followed, they relent-\nlessly continued their war against the Hurons and the missions.\nIn March 1649, they captured the villages of Saint-Ignace and\nSaint-Louis and martyred Frs de Brébeuf and Gabriel Lale-\nmant. Sainte-Marie had to be abandoned. A new attack in\nDecember brought about the martyrdom of Frs Charles Garnier\nand Noël Chabanel. What remained of the missions took\nrefuge in Quebec. The situation was only restored in 1665 after\nthe Carignan regiment had intervened. But the Huron people\nhad been decimated and, as far as the Iroquois were con-\ncerned, the missionaries had completely failed.\nHowever, the Society of Jesus did not abandon Canada,\nalthough it never recovered the enthusiasm it had shown in the\nmiddle of the seventeenth century. Only apostles of the heroic\nkind, who were not afraid to spend the winter in tents, were\nto be found during the eighteenth century in the areas to the\nnorth-west of the first mission stations. The mission to the\nIroquois was undertaken again. Its results were meagre. The\nonly mission station that was firmly established, Michili-\nmakinac, served as a base for the attempts at extending the\nwork to the west and south-west, and in particular for that\nof Frs Marquette and Jolliet, the first white men to go down\nthe Mississippi.\nUntil the suppression of the Society, the Jesuits held first",
      "status": "completed"
    },
    {
      "pageNumber": 91,
      "ocrText": "FROM ESTABLISHMENT OF PROPAGANDA TO GREGORY XVI\n91\nplace in the North American missions, although the latter\nreceived valuable help from other quarters. The Sulpicians,\nwho were given permission to set out in 1667, catechized\nIndians whom the slave trade had brought to Montreal. They\nalso founded Christian villages on the shores of Two Mountain\nLake and at La Présentation, where M. Picquet became so well\nknown. The Paris Foreign Missions took over, for a time, the\nrunning of the Quebec seminary, which was entrusted in 1732\nto the priests of the seminary of the Holy Ghost. Some of the\nlatter, including Fr Le Loutre, took part in the Nova Scotia\nand Ile Royale missions.\nThe statistics and the moral quality of the converts are\nindicated in the census of 1737 which shows that there were\n1660 Christians in residence and a few hundred children. Their\nlively and very simple faith was revealed in highly emotional\nscenes of repentance after bouts of drunkenness, violence or\nlechery, and by a keen taste for great ceremonies. Some were\nexemplary, for instance, the Huron Chihwatenhawa, author of\na prayer published in the Relation for 1640-1, a kind of\nprimitive poem in which submission to God's will is expressed\nwith overwhelming sincerity.\nThe zeal aroused by the Canadian missions had not turned\nFrance's attention away from the Levant to which she was\ndrawn by the memory of the Crusades and the Capitulations\nrégime which had made her the protectress of all the Christian\nsubjects of Turkey, including the heretics and schismatics. The\naim of the missions there was not so much the conversion of\nindividuals as to bring back to union with Rome Christians\nwho were under the authority of patriarchs not in obedience\nto the Holy See. This was the case with the Patriarchs of\nJerusalem and of Constantinople at the beginning of the seven-\nteenth century, when the Jesuits arrived. In spite of their\nhostility, the Fathers succeeded in founding a school at Constan-\ntinople and so laid the first stone of the great school which in\nthe nineteenth century was to have an almost complete educa-",
      "status": "completed"
    },
    {
      "pageNumber": 92,
      "ocrText": "92 FROM ESTABLISHMENT OF PROPAGANDA TO GREGORY XVI\ntional monopoly in the Levant and in Egypt. French Capuchins\nestablished a mission post at Aleppo (1627), and the Jesuits\nopened a school of their own there in 1651. In the same town,\nthe French consul, François Picquet, did useful work in the\ncause of the return to unity. He was a skilled diplomat and\nfervent missionary (he eventually took holy Orders) and he\nsucceeded in obtaining the appointment to the archbishopric\nof Aleppo of a prelate subject to Rome and also, in 1663, in\nprocuring from the Syrian Patriarch Andrew Akidjian, and\nfrom the Armenian Patriarch Kachadour, a declaration of their\nsubmission to the Holy See. Their return, however, was an\nentirely personal affair and gave no guarantee that their suc-\ncessors would be faithful to Rome.\nFurther East, Fr Pacifique of Provins, obtained permission\nfrom the Shah Abbas to found a mission at Baghdad and\nanother at Isapahan. The friendly disposition of the sovereign\nmade it possible for other Capuchins to settle at Tabriz. This\nsmall Christian community numbered twenty faithful when\nMgr Pallu arrived in 1662. Another founded at Djoulfa by a\nJesuit was composed of six families. In both places, the Latin\nmissions encountered bitter opposition from the Vertabiets, or\nArmenian monks.\nThe Capuchins, who went further East, came up against\nthe intransigence of the Padroado. Ephrem of Nevers, although\nimprisoned and later released, established at Madras a mission\ncomprising a hospital and a school, whose excellent organiza-\ntion was admired by Mgr Pallu. The missions in the Orient\nwere maintained with difficulty during the eighteenth century,\nbut from 1850 onwards were able to receive more help from\nthe Holy See.\nThe first sons of St Vincent de Paul to be attracted to the\nforeign missions devoted themselves to the welfare of the\nslaves in the convict prisons of North Africa. Two Vincentians\narrived in Tunis in 1645 and two years later, a third, Jean Le\nVacher. Other priests and lay-brothers came to Algiers. A",
      "status": "completed"
    },
    {
      "pageNumber": 93,
      "ocrText": "FROM ESTABLISHMENT OF PROPAGANDA TO GREGORY XVI 93\nbenefactress, the Duchess of Aiguillon, a niece of Richelieu's,\nbought the right to nominate the French consul in these two\ncities and so the Vincentians were able, at various times, to\nexercise interim consular functions, which made it possible for\nthem to bring spiritual help to the slaves. But whether as\nconsuls or as missionaries, they were always badly treated by\nthe Turkish authorities. Jean Le Vacher was martyred in 1683\nby being tied to the mouth of a canon.\nThe Congregation of Propaganda also entrusted the Vincen-\ntians with the evangelization of Madagascar, which proved a\nterrible ordeal for them. Charles Nacquart and Nicolas\nGondrée, who set out in 1648, both died as a result of the\nclimate a few months after their arrival at Fort Dauphin. A\nnew team made up of MM. Mousnier, Bourdaise and Forest\nsuffered the same fate between 1655 and 1657. The Catholic\ncommunity around the mission, in all twenty-three French and\ntwelve native families, remained without spiritual aid. A third\nparty composed of three missionaries was wiped out in the\nsame way. Yet M. Vincent's successor did not want to abandon\nthe island of death. He sent three expeditions-a total of eleven\npriests and seven brothers. In 1674, when the missionary staff\nhad been reduced to half its strength, the colonists decided to\nabandon Fort Dauphin and the island itself and to repatriate\nthe survivors.\nFR DE NOBILI AT MADURA\nIn India, the caste system kept individuals enclosed in what\nwe may call social prisons. To leave them was to become an\n\"outcaste\", to be dead as far as civil society was concerned.\nThis system seemed incomprehensible to the Portuguese and\nso contrary to Christianity that they took no account of it in\ntheir relations with the native population. They had therefore\ninvited all men to become Catholics, but because of an in-\nsufficient acquaintance with the language they couched their\ninvitation in unsuitable terms. The question: \"Do you want to\nbe a Christian?\" became \"Do you want to joint the Prangui",
      "status": "completed"
    },
    {
      "pageNumber": 94,
      "ocrText": "94 FROM ESTABLISHMENT OF PROPAGANDA TO GREGORY XVI\ncast?\" But Prangui was a word of contempt applied by the\nMoslems to all Christians since the time of the Crusades.\nThis procedure might perhaps form Christian communities\n(though of doubtful quality) in the few areas where Portuguese\nrule was effectively exercised. Beyond these, that is in almost\nthe whole of India, the caste system continued in all its rigour.\nChristians, who to all intents and purposes became Portuguese,\nwere despised and looked on as renegades, and the mission-\naries ensured their own fall into disrepute by entering into\ncontact with all the castes in a society in which the mere fact\nof accepting a drop of water from a member of an inferior\ncaste was considered to involve grave impurity.\nThis had been the state of affairs at Madura previous to\nthe arrival of an Italian Jesuit, Robert de Nobili. In 1607 he\nwrote to one of his relatives: \"In spite of twelve years of work,\nour Fathers have not been able to make a single convert. At\nthe most, they have baptized in articulo mortis three or four\nsick people.\" He took careful note of this failure but did not\ngive way to despair. He was looking for a different method of\napproach. It seemed to him that the secrets of Hinduism could\nonly be penetrated from within. As he was descended from an\nillustrious Tuscan family, he protested that he was neither a\nPrangui nor a Portuguese. He introduced himself as a \"Roman\nrajah\" and so was able to put himself on the same level as the\nSannyassi, upper class penitents who were respected by every-\none. He built a church and presbytery on a site granted to him\nby a cousin of the king of Madura. All his servants were\nBrahmins, and he lived and dressed like the Sannyassi. A\nBrahmin had taught him Sanskrit and he was thus able to\ndiscover the secrets of Hinduism. Hence his expository work\nand his controversies with the distinguished visitors admitted\nto his company could, for the greater good of Christianity,\nbe orientated towards the spiritual needs common to the faith-\nful of both religions. At the same time, he had become con-\nvinced that the caste customs were not all to be condemned.\nCertain of these, whose character was purely civil and social,",
      "status": "completed"
    },
    {
      "pageNumber": 95,
      "ocrText": "FROM ESTABLISHMENT OF PROPAGANDA TO GREGORY XVI\n95\nmight be tolerated. But some of his brethren were of the\ncontrary opinion and they denounced him to Rome as causing\nscandal. This was the greatest trial of his life. A Bull of\nGregory XV (1623) put an end to it by authorizing the\nBrahmins and other \"Gentiles\" to wear cordons and koudounis,\nthe caste insignia, on condition that they were handed to them\nby a Catholic priest who would bless them by reciting prayers\napproved by the ordinary of the district.\nThe new method of adaptation thus allowed Indians to enter\nthe Mystical Body without renouncing all their titles and tradi-\ntions, in a word without incurring the shameful name of rene-\ngade. Nevertheless, Gregory XV's decision was to give rise\nlater to very serious controversy.\nFR DE RHODES AND THE ESTABLISHMENT OF\nVICARS APOSTOLIC IN THE FAR EAST\nAt the same time, Fr Alexander de Rhodes, also a Jesuit,\nborn at Avignon in 1591, was conducting in Vietnam an\nexperiment of great interest and whose results were to have\nconsiderable influence on the missions in the Far East.\nOne of a party sent to Cochin-China in 1623, he showed that\nhe was able to adapt himself with amazing facility. He laid the\nfoundations of Quoc-Ngu, a transcription of the Annamite\ncharacters into the Latin alphabet which generations of mis-\nsionaries were to use. But in 1626, he was withdrawn from\nCochin-China, apparently because of his excessive petulance in\nthe face of the thousand and one difficulties put in the way of\nthe Christians by the sovereign.\nIn the following year, he was sent to Tonkin. There he found\nout how popular was a certain piece of buffoonery which repre-\nsented a Portuguese European with an enormous paunch, into\nwhich there entered and then re-emerged a tiny Vietnamese\nwho had become Portuguese in the process. This parody of\nbaptism, reduced to the status of a conjuring trick in which the\nVietnamese was transformed into a Portuguese, showed well\nenough the need for the apostolate to be given a new form.",
      "status": "completed"
    },
    {
      "pageNumber": 96,
      "ocrText": "96 FROM ESTABLISHMENT OF PROPAGANDA TO GREGORY XVI\nFr de Rhodes took care to make sure of the good will of the\nchua by initiating him into the secret of the chiming clock and\noffering him a treatise on mathematics, and so was able to open\na church at Hanoi and to preach there as frequently as six\ntimes a day. He appealed to the upper classes, in the hope that\nthey would set an example to the others. His enormous success\ncaused his downfall. The concubines or second wives, fearing\nthat their convert husbands would repudiate them, spread\ncalumnies about him and accused him of complicity with the\nrebels. They enlisted the help of sorcerers and witches and so\nsucceeded in having him expelled. But 6,700 persons had\nbeen baptized before he left.\nAt Macao, whither he had returned, his provincial kept him\nmore or less in disgrace. This provincial died in 1640 and his\nsuccessor sent Fr de Rhodes to Cochin-China where the events\nin Tonkin were enacted all over again. He was opposed, and\nfor the same reason, by the king's wives, the eunuchs and some\nof the courtiers. Although he was under sentence of expulsion,\nhe succeeded on several occasions in returning among his\nconverts. Then a new edict was issued banishing him under\npain of death and he had to tear himself away from them.\nAs his superiors were preparing to send a procurator for\nthe Macao mission to Rome, their choice fell on him. Who,\nindeed, was better qualified to explain the situation in the Far\nEast than this missionary with twenty years' experience to his\ncredit, and successes in the apostolate on a par with those of\nSt Francis Xavier?\nIn his first report, Fr de Rhodes estimated the number of\nconverts in Cochin-China and Tonkin at 300,000, and antici-\npated a regular flow of 15,000 conversions a year. To minister\nto these Christian communities at least three or even four\nhundred priests were needed. Where were they to be found?\nAnd supposing they were found, what a persecution would\nhave to be expected with such an influx of foreigners! The\nexample of Japan before him, Fr de Rhodes wrote pathetically:\n\"What would we not give to have many native priests in Japan",
      "status": "completed"
    },
    {
      "pageNumber": 97,
      "ocrText": "FROM ESTABLISHMENT OF PROPAGANDA TO GREGORY XVI 97\ntoday! But because, when times were in our favour, the neces-\nsary priests were not ordained, this Church is now in great\ndistress!\" Priests therefore would be recruited in Vietnam\nfrom the ranks of the catechists, and to ordain them, it would\nbe advisable to send out without delay bishops appointed\nin partibus infidelium so as not to cause any misgivings to the\npatronato.\nThe Congregation of Propaganda showed great interest in\nthis report. Nevertheless, Innocent X asked for further informa-\ntion, including even a list of candidates for the episcopal duties\nenvisaged. Fr de Rhodes sent in a second report. A year later,\non August 1st, 1651, the Congregation suggested to the pope\nthat a patriarch, two or three archbishops and twelve bishops\nshould be sent out, all of them in partibus infidelium. Inno-\ncent X hesitated because of the conflict then raging in Idalkan\nbetween the Holy See and Portugal. As Portugal was keeping\nthis kingdom without missionaries, the Holy See had sent out\na Goanese priest, Matthew de Castro, a brilliant pupil of the\nCollege of Propaganda in Rome, with the title and powers of a\nvicar apostolic. The ecclesiastical authorities in Goa treated\nhim as an intruder, declared that his papers were forged and\nrefused to recognize him as an envoy of the Holy See.\nIf Lisbon had gone as far as this in its resistance to one\nsingle vicar apostolic, what would it not do if there were twelve\nbishops all chosen directly by the Holy See? Yet Fr de Rhodes\nforwarded a petition-it is the third document in his dossier\nand follows the two reports in which he noted the fact that\nthe Christian community of Tonkin had already given seven\nmartyrs to the Church and that there were within it candidates\nfor the priesthood, with all the necessary qualities. He asked\nthat Tonkin should be given permission to have a native clergy.\nThis petition was not granted. But he himself was appointed\nprefect of the Annam mission. All that remained for him to\ndo was to recruit the missionaries he needed from those depend-\ning on Rome alone. But where was he to find them? Not in\nPortugal. The Idalkan affair made this obvious. Not in Spain;",
      "status": "completed"
    },
    {
      "pageNumber": 98,
      "ocrText": "98\nFROM ESTABLISHMENT OF PROPAGANDA TO GREGORY XVI\nMadrid would be as unwilling as Lisbon to forgo its patronato\nrights. Not in Italy, then under Spanish tutelage. And Pro-\ntestantism was dominant in the greater part of Germany. In\nthese circumstances he left for France.\nHe reached Paris towards the end of the summer of 1652.\nThe Society opened many doors for him, including that of the\nCourt. His skill, his ardour, the brilliant way in which he ex-\npressed his ideas, did the rest before an audience which, during\nthe ten preceding years, had given so many proofs of its zeal\nfor the Missions in Canada and in the East, and which also\nwas only too eager to show that, in the realm of the apostolate,\nFrance could compare with the two ancient Catholic\nmonarchies.\n\"Les Bons Amis\", one of the groups which had its place in\nthe religious history of the seventeenth century in France, was\ncomposed of the most zealous members of the great confra-\nternities of the Blessed Virgin founded by the Jesuits. It was\nin this choicest of choice societies that Fr de Rhodes found\nmore recruits than he needed for the Far-Eastern missions.\nHe picked three men: François de Montigny-Laval, François\nPallu and Bernard Piques. The Company of the Blessed Sacra-\nment guaranteed the necessary financial help. In 1653, five\nbishops assured Innocent X that there were in Paris \"able\nsecular priests, of proved moral character and remarkable for\ntheir zeal, prudence and learning\" for the Far-Eastern missions.\nThe Assembly of the clergy, in its turn, took up the cause but\nwithout producing the slightest effect. In the meantime,\nFr de Rhodes, on orders from his superiors, had been sent to\nPersia where he died in 1660.\nThe reason for the setting aside of this great missionary must\nhave been the anxiety his schemes awakened in the Portuguese\npatronato. It would be wrong to conclude that his reports on\nthe Far East were filed and their suggestions rejected. The\ntruth is that the Holy See was waiting for the right time to deal\nwith them.\nIn any case, Fr de Rhodes's recruits did not abandon the",
      "status": "completed"
    },
    {
      "pageNumber": 99,
      "ocrText": "FROM ESTABLISHMENT OF PROPAGANDA TO GREGORY XVI\n99\nproject. Five of them set out for Rome, Pallu among them.\nThey went on foot begging their food on the way. When they\nwere taken into the presence of Alexander VII, they reminded\nhim with so much fervour of their plan to \"leave fatherland,\nrelatives and friends and to offer themselves and all they pos-\nsessed for the salvation of the peoples of the Far East\", that he\nappointed a commission of four cardinals to re-examine the\nreports. One of them, Barberini, was against the scheme, and\nhe held the key position. As Pallu had failed to get a hearing,\nhe asked for the help of one of his friends, a former advocate\nat the Normandy Court of Excise, Pierre Lambert de la Motte.\nHe too was full of zeal for the missions and had left the legal\nfraternity to take holy Orders. His tenacity and his powerful\ngift of argument removed the last objections of the formidable\nBarberini. The commission pronounced itself in favour of\nsending out three vicars apostolic. On May 13th, 1658, the\nCongregation of Propaganda put forward the names of Fathers\nPallu and Lambert de la Motte. A brief dated July 29th\nappointed them, one as bishop of Heliopolis, the other as\nbishop of Beryta. The former was given jurisdiction over\nTonkin, the latter over Cochin-China, A little later, a third\nFrenchman was appointed to the vicariate of Nankin, Ignace\nCotolendi. Each of them also was made responsible for the\nadministration of provinces in China. In fact, several of these\nprovinces became vicariates.\nCertain habits contrary to the evangelical spirit were severely\ncondemned in the celebrated instructions drawn up in 1659 for\nthe use of the new vicars apostolic, who were recommended\nnot to interfere in national politics either directly or indirectly.\nIn cases where they were absolutely obliged to give an opinion,\nthey were to do so sub specie aeternitatis. They had to preach\nobedience to princes even to those of a religion opposed to\nChristianity. They were not to censure their conduct, but to\nwait patiently until Providence \"brings happier days\". They\nwere not to urge peoples to change their manners, customs\nand rites, but on the contrary to respect them except when",
      "status": "completed"
    },
    {
      "pageNumber": 100,
      "ocrText": "100 FROM ESTABLISHMENT OF PROPAGANDA TO GREGORY XVI\n\"they were detestable\". For \"it is as it were inscribed in the\nnature of men that they should esteem, love and value above\nall else in the world the traditions of their country and this\ncountry itself\". Further, the missions were to be organized in\nsuch a way that they should not be a charge on the faithful, for\n\"there is nothing people admire more than perfect detachment\nand that evangelical poverty which lays up treasure only in\nheaven\".\nAt the same time, Pallu, Lambert de la Motte and their\nfriends founded at Paris in the rue du Bac, the Seminary for\nthe Foreign Missions. (It is still there today.)\nTHE CHINA MISSIONS AFTER FR RICCI\nTwo important events took place in China after the death\nof Fr Ricci.\nOne, which seemed encouraging for the future of Chris-\ntianity, had been the admission of the Jesuit scientists to the\nPekin astronomical committee. Fr Adam Schall had been its\npresident and had then been expelled, but a little later Fr\nVerbiest was given the office and Jesuit scientists¹ were, for a\ntime at least, to be the bulwark of the missions because of the\nprestige they enjoyed under the emperors of two successive\ndynasties, the Ming and the Manchu.\nThe other event did more harm than good. In 1631 two\nmissionaries arrived from Manila. One was a Franciscan,\nFr Antonio a Santa Maria, the other, Fr Morales, a Dominican.\nThey came from an area in which the \"clean sweep\" method\nwas in force and so were a priori full of distrust for the method\nof adaptation adopted by Fr Ricci. They were present at a\nceremony in memory of the ancestors after which they no\nlonger doubted that the advocates of tolerance towards the\nChinese rites were following a dangerous course.\nSubsequently the members of both schools of thought were\n1 French Jesuit mathematicians were also authorized in 1687 to come\ninto residence at Pekin and to be members of the astronomical com-\nmittee.",
      "status": "completed"
    },
    {
      "pageNumber": 101,
      "ocrText": "FROM ESTABLISHMENT OF PROPAGANDA TO GREGORY XVI 101\nall imprisoned together at Canton. Thus an unexpected oppor-\ntunity arose for a comparison and discussion of their points of\nview. Ultimately, they agreed on twenty-four articles which\nthey all signed. It is to be noted that the signatories included\nthe Dominican Navarette. It is true that there was a proviso.\nThe articles were to be approved by the Jesuit general's Visitor\nat Macao. The latter, although he had never entered China,\nnevertheless changed several of the articles entirely on his own\ninitiative. In these circumstances, Fr Navarette considered he\nwas no longer bound by his own signature. He succeeded in\ngetting away from Canton and reached Macao where he em-\nbarked for Europe. When the ship stopped at Madagascar, he\nmet Mgr Pallu who was on his way to China, and gave him a\nfull account of all the facts. Then, on his arrival in Europe, he\nbegan publishing in 1676 his Tradados historicos, politicos,\nethnicos y religiosos de la monarchia de China. This work,\ncondemning the methods of the Jesuits, was to supply all\ntheir enemies with arguments.\nMeanwhile, Mgr Pallu had reached Fokien, and the Christian\ncommunity of Moyang, where he found himself up against\nserious difficulties. Certain of the latter arose from the oath of\nobedience to the vicars apostolic which Propaganda wished to\nmake obligatory on all the missionaries. The Portuguese\npatronato, which had been informed of the situation by its\nmissionaries, had protested so vigorously (Louis XIV had done\nlikewise regarding the Jesuit scientists of the Cambodia\nmission) against this demand that the Holy See had eventually\nwithdrawn it. Other conflicts had arisen over the division of\nthe provinces of China between the old dioceses of the\npatronato and the vicariates apostolic. From the first, Portugal\nhad questioned the legality of these vicariates. However, an\nagreement was reached in 1696. The three Portuguese dioceses\nof Pekin, Nankin and Macao were left with all their privileges\nbut, apart from the area they covered, the Holy See reserved\nthe right to maintain the vicariates already in existence:",
      "status": "completed"
    },
    {
      "pageNumber": 102,
      "ocrText": "102 FROM ESTABLISHMENT OF PROPAGANDA TO GREGORY XVI\nFukien, Shensi, Kiangsi, Szehwan, Yunnan, and to establish\nothers under its authority alone.\nThere was still the problem of the rites. Mgr Pallu had not\nalluded to it in his last report to the Holy See. He had merely\nnoted that the Chinese Christians he had seen had been\ndelighted when they learned that Rome was sending bishops to\nChina \"to lead them in the ways of the Lord and to raise some\nof their fellow countrymen to the dignity of the priesthood\".\nShortly afterwards in 1614 sickness brought Mgr Pallu's life\nto an end. His successor, who had been his vicar general,\nMgr Maigrot, a good sinologue, examined at length the respec-\ntive attitudes of the two parties and then adopted the opinion\nof the Dominicans and Franciscans. In a pastoral letter written\nin 1693, he strictly forbade the rites and refused to recognize\nthe meaning which certain Jesuits had given them. It is impor-\ntant to note that the Society was not composed entirely of\nFr Ricci's followers. An able sinologue, the leading expert in\nthe antiquities of China, Fr de Visdelou, approved of Mgr\nMaigrot's decision, while on the other hand, Fr Le Comte went\neven further than Fr Ricci. According to him, the rites were\nnot only free from all idolatry, but from all superstition.\nFr Ricci would not have agreed that this was so.\nThe condemnation of Fr Le Comte's book by the Sorbonne\naggravated the quarrel between the advocates and the oppo-\nnents of the rites. The lampoons of the Dominicans and the\npriests of the Foreign Missions were answered by those of the\nJesuits. There were a dozen of these in the year 1700 alone.\nThe Holy See instructed Mgr Maillard de Tournon to conduct\nan inquiry on the spot. He decided to defend the Dominican\nview and to condemn the rites. He had to face both Portugal,\nwhich considered him an intruder in patronato territory, and\nalso the hostility of the Chinese government since he had\nrefused to accept the opinion of Kang Hi who had given an\nassurance that the rites were of a merely civil nature. He was\nimprisoned at Macao where he died in 1710. A second legate,\nMgr Mezzabarba, although of a more accommodating tempera-",
      "status": "completed"
    },
    {
      "pageNumber": 103,
      "ocrText": "FROM ESTABLISHMENT OF PROPAGANDA TO GREGORY XVI\n103\nment, did not put an end to the quarrel. On the contrary, the\nconcessions he judged should be made only aggravated the\ntrouble. The advocates of the rites considered them inadequate,\nwhile their opponents were of opinion that he had sinned by\nshowing weakness. These opponents, in any case, eventually\nwon the day, and the Bull Ex quo singulari (1742) issued a\ndefinitive and complete condemnation of the rites.\nDuring the quarrel, the emperor Kang Hi had discovered\nthe papal authority, but since he had not understood its entirely\nspiritual character, the Christians in his empire appeared to\nhim to be subjects who were evading his authority in order to\nobey a foreign master. His attitude towards them altered. He\ndemanded that the missionaries should apply for the P'iao\n(authorization to preach) if they wished to reside in China.\nAnd this permission was only to be granted in return for a\npromise that Fr Ricci's teaching would be followed. The\nmissionaries who did not possess the P'iao-and these were\nthe great majority since, even among the Jesuits themselves,\nmany did not accept Fr Ricci's views on what could be toler-\nated-were obliged to go underground.\nThroughout this vast empire they became hunted and ex-\nhausted men. The Christians were small in number, a bare\n150,000 and all of humble rank: shopkeepers, ploughmen,\nfishermen, artisans, scattered far and wide. They could not be\ngrouped into villages for fear of attracting attention. The mis-\nsionary was always on the road from one hiding place to\nanother and, however zealous, could only visit his flock on rare\noccasions, and when he arrived among them, what troubles\nawaited him! One of these missionaries, Blessed John Moye,\nwrote: \"The poor man needs to be not in two but in ten places\nat once. He has to preach, hear confessions, quieten the\nchildren, carry them about, look after them and drive away the\ndogs, cocks and ducks that constantly interrupt his preaching.\"\nThe first missionaries had been ordered to inaugurate a\nChinese clergy with all speed. Innocent X had told Mgr Pallu:\n\"I would rather see you consecrate one good bishop in these",
      "status": "completed"
    },
    {
      "pageNumber": 104,
      "ocrText": "104 FROM ESTABLISHMENT OF PROPAGANDA TO GREGORY XVI\nparts than convert 50,000 idolaters.\" The instructions of Proра-\nganda to Mgr Pallu and Mgr Lambert de la Motte in 1689 gave\nthem authority \"to oblige the vicars apostolic, under threat of\ncanonical penalties, to educate and ordain clerics and priests\nand thus to open the way to the episcopate as quickly as\npossible to native priests\". An indult of Alexander VII was\nimplemented and a beginning was made by ordaining to the\npriesthood middle-aged Chinamen, catechists of exemplary\nlife, who were not required to know Latin, provided they pro-\nnounced it correctly and understood the sacramental formulas.\nThis procedure was suited to the heroic times but could not\nbecome a general practice. A more thorough formation was\nessential. With this in mind, Mgr Lambert de la Motte, on his\narrival in Siam, established a seminary at Juthia.\nThe first Chinese bishop, Mgr Lo or Lopez-it was the\ncustom to Europeanize surnames-never left it. Fr Navarette\nhad pointed him out to Mgr Pallu as a suitable candidate for\nthe episcopate and he was consecrated in 1685. The second\nnative bishop in the Far East, Francis Perez, was born at\nTenasserim, the son of a Filipino father and a Siamese\nmother, and so was a half-caste. He was also one of the most\ndevout and brilliant pupils of the Juthia seminary. With him\nthe first experiment with native vicars apostolic came to an end\nas early as the end of the seventeenth century. They were\nbeyond reproach in their priestly lives but lacked the authority\nto hold out against the claims of the Padroado and to discip-\nline the Western missionaries who were constantly quarrelling\nwith one other. We may well ask whether anyone else in their\nplace would have overcome such difficulties.\nHowever, the formation of a native clergy was not aban-\ndoned. All the missionaries, whatever their attitude in the\nstruggle over the Chinese rites, wanted to work on its behalf.\nBut agreement was impossible both as to the recruitment of this\nnative clergy and its formation and deployment.\nThe Jesuits were apprehensive about the effect of the environ-\nment at Pekin and Macao on the seminarists. Should these",
      "status": "completed"
    },
    {
      "pageNumber": 105,
      "ocrText": "FROM ESTABLISHMENT OF PROPAGANDA TO GREGORY XVI 105\nyoung Chinese be sent to Europe? The experiment was tried\nin the middle of the eighteenth century. The candidates\neducated at La Flèche proved worthy of the priesthood. But the\npriests-in-charge of the mission wanted to have them as simple\ncatechists; they were to complete their preparation on the spot\nand would only be admitted to Orders after this testing period.\nThe European Fathers and those in China could not agree\nand the European scheme was abandoned. An effort was made\nto establish seminaries in the heart of the empire in spite of\nthe edicts outlawing Catholicism. This attempt also failed. The\nfollowing passage from a letter of Fr Charlier's explains why:\n\"All the pupils have defaulted, have learned nothing and have\nhad to be dismissed. To educate them properly we should have\nto send them away from their own country, otherwise they\nmake no progress in knowledge or virtue. Experience is there\nto prove it.\"\nHowever, the priests of the Paris Foreign Missions, by form-\ning priests both on the spot and at the Juthia college, succeeded\nafter the beginning of the eighteenth century in having several\nChinese ordained. One of them, Andrew Ly, may be held up\nas an example to the Universal Church. The only priest in\nSzehwan in the mid-eighteenth century for several years after\nthe death or banishment of the European missionaries, a\nperpetual traveller often obliged to disguise himself to escape\nfrom his persecutors, he would revive in one place a Christian\ncommunity on the verge of flight, in another encourage the\nwavering; elsewhere he would solve cases of conscience. Yet he\nfound time between two periods of imprisonment to draw up\ninstructions for the catechists, to have the calendar of Christian\nfeasts printed every year, and, with the approval of the\nseminary in the rue du Bac, to recruit candidates for the priest-\nhood.\nWhen Mgr Pottier became vicar apostolic of Szehwan, he\nfound an embryo seminary with nine boys in it. It was the\nwork of Andrew Ly. The number of ordinations continued to\nbe very small. Many pupils died during their course of study.",
      "status": "completed"
    },
    {
      "pageNumber": 106,
      "ocrText": "106 FROM ESTABLISHMENT OF PROPAGANDA TO GREGORY XVI\nTowards the end of the eighteenth century (1763), Mgr Pottier\ntook advantage of the indult of Alexander VII to ordain three\nclerics who knew no Latin. Another priest from the Paris\nForeign Missions, M. Hamel, started a peripatetic seminary\nwhich for forty years moved backwards and forwards between\nSzehwan and Yunnan in order to avoid persecution. During\nthese forty years, twenty-two priests were trained and ordained\nand they had often to be confessors of the faith. Several suffered\nmartyrdom, three were beatified.\nAfter the suppression of the Society of Jesus, a Vincentian,\nNicolas Raux, in accordance with a decree of Propaganda\ndated February 5th, 1783, succeeded the Jesuit scientists at\nPekin and became a member of the board of mathematicians.\nNow that they were ordinary secular priests, the Jesuits showed\nadmirable zeal in their submission to the authority of the heads\nof the missions in their places of residence. The Vincentians\nfell back on the same method as that used by the Foreign\nMissions in their training of Chinese priests. The candidates\nwho had been prepared in the clandestine seminaries completed\ntheir studies at the Macao seminary. When it was broken up\nin 1845, it had trained thirty-three Chinese priests.\nTHE MISSIONS IN INDO-CHINA\nFrom the moment of his arrival in Siam, Mgr Lambert de la\nMotte had come up against the representatives of the Padroado,\nwho threatened to arrest him and his missionaries. They there-\nfore had to take refuge at Ayouthia, in the concession of the\nCochin-Chinese. They used this enforced stay to put into shape\na regulation (the Monita) in which they expressed their inten-\ntion of acting \"in an apostolic fashion\", that is, to refuse to\naccept any political office from the local sovereigns.\nThey were all in a hurry to begin their apostolic work. Louis\nChevreuil, a member of the \"Bons Amis\" group, who had\nbeen appointed vicar general for Cochin-China, entered Faïfo,\nwhere he was given a rather cool reception by the few Euro-",
      "status": "completed"
    },
    {
      "pageNumber": 107,
      "ocrText": "FROM ESTABLISHMENT OF PROPAGANDA TO GREGORY XVI 107\npean priests depending on the patronato who had preserved\nthe faith of Fr de Rhodes' converts. Persecution forced him\nto return to Siam. Shortly afterwards he returned to Cochin-\nChina where he fell ill. The young priest who had accompanied\nhim, Hainques (he deserves to be mentioned by name), devoted\nhimself unaided to the task of bringing spiritual help to the\npersecuted and hunted Christians. He had time to train the\ntwo first Cochin-Chinese priests: Joseph Trang and Luke Ben,\nwho were ordained under the conditions laid down in the indult\nof Alexander VII. He then died, worn out by his labours.\nWhen the vicar general appointed for Tonkin, Louis Deydier,\nentered the territory in 1666, the last priests had just been\nexpelled. The little Christian community was under the direc-\ntion of catechists who lived in hiding on a boat. This boat,\nwhich has remained celebrated in the history of the Tonkin\nmissions, sheltered a seminary in which Deydier, after a stay\nof eighteen months, chose two candidates for the priesthood:\nBenedict Hien and John Hué. They were ordained in Siam and\nthen returned at once to their own country. When Mgr de la\nMotte succeeded in landing, Deydier brought to him seven\nother candidates for ordination and forty-eight catechists to\nreceive the tonsure and minor orders. Subsequently the vicar\napostolic assembled the first synod of Tonkin. All his mission-\naries and nine native priests attended it. It was decided that,\nin the chief towns, a fixed place of residence should be allocated\nto the priests and the catechists; that in every separate group,\ncertain of the most deserving members of the community\nshould be chosen to be responsible for presiding at assemblies\nfor prayer and for the maintenance of general good order: that,\nwith the example of the Twelve Apostles in mind, and with the\nhelp coming from Europe and from local alms, a common fund\nshould be inaugurated to provide the means of subsistence for\nthe missionary personnel.\nYoung women and Christian widows, who desired to conse-\ncrate themselves more fully to God, received from Mgr Lam-\nbert de la Motte a rule which included community life in",
      "status": "completed"
    },
    {
      "pageNumber": 108,
      "ocrText": "108 FROM ESTABLISHMENT OF PROPAGANDA TO GREGORY XVI\naddition to the three vows. He also gave them a strict set of\nregulations in which prayer and penance played a great part.\nThis was the beginning of the Congregation of the Amantes de\nla Croix (Votaries of the Cross) for the education of girls, the\ncare of the sick and the baptism of children in danger of death.\nThese Far-Eastern Christian communities were seldom left\nat peace. They had to go underground for most of the time,\nyet such periods were succeeded by a few months of toleration\nduring which public worship would come out into the open.\nAt Tonkin, Deydier spent two years in prison. At the outset\nin Siam, King Phra-Naraï seemed well disposed. The embassy\nwhich he sent to Louis XIV was received with great ceremony\nat Versailles and Paris. The Siamese envoys returned home\naccompanied by a French delegation headed by M. de Chau-\nmont, who made a speech in which he expressed the hope that\nthe king of Siam would receive instruction in the truths of\nCatholicism. But nothing of the kind ensued. Phra-Narai was\noverthrown by a revolution and his successor drove the French\nfrom Bangkok and Mergui. As the evacuation orders had\nbeen badly executed on both sides, the missions suffered from\nthe repercussions. Mgr Laneau, the vicar apostolic, some mis-\nsionaries and a number of the faithful were thrown into prison,\nthe churches were closed and Mgr La Motte's tomb desecrated.\nThe greatest upheaval of the century was caused by the\nrevolt of the Tay-Son. Their leader conquered the whole of\nCochin-China, put the chua and his son to death, invaded\nTonkin shortly afterwards and drove out the king who was the\nlast of his line and had to take refuge in China. The heir to the\nkingdom of Cochin-China, Nguyen-Anh, a young man of seven-\nteen and the nephew of the murdered chua, eluded the rebels\nby seeking asylum with the vicar apostolic, Mgr Pigneau de\nBéhaine. Meanwhile, the English in India and the Dutch in\nBatavia offered their help in restoring him to his kingdom.\nThis would have meant the entry of Protestantism into Viet-\nnam and the Catholic missions would have been threatened\nwith the same fate as befell those in Ceylon after the Dutch",
      "status": "completed"
    },
    {
      "pageNumber": 109,
      "ocrText": "FROM ESTABLISHMENT OF PROPAGANDA TO GREGORY XVI 109\nconquest of the island. Since this was how matters stood,\nMgr Pineau de Béhaine set out for Versailles to ask the French\nGovernment to defend the cause of the dethroned monarch.\nLouis XIV's ministers, completely devoid of all enthusiasm\nfor this cause, drew up a treaty of alliance between France and\nNguyen-Anh. The governor of Pondicherry refused to imple-\nment its stipulations on the grounds that he had received secret\norders leaving him full freedom of action.\nMgr Pineau de Béhaine next appealed for French volunteers:\nengineers and officers. These fitted out two ships at their own\nexpense and armed a small expeditionary force whose inter-\nvention was enough to bring about the restoration of Nguyen-\nAnh. After 1802 he reigned under the name of Gia-Long,\nshowed himself tolerant and remained on good terms with\nMgr Pineau de Béhaine, but did not become a convert. How-\never, when struck down by a serious illness, he asked for bap-\ntism and died a member of the Church.\nMgr Pigneau de Béhaine had died before him. It may be said\nof this prelate that in difficult circumstances his political\nacumen had come to the rescue of his apostolic zeal. Mgr de\nGuébriant wrote of him: \"Had he kept silent, he would have\nbetrayed the Gospel which it was his mission to preach.\"\nTHE INDIAN MISSIONS AFTER FR DE NOBILI\nAlthough the coronation of John of Braganza in 1640 had\nfreed Portugal from its dependence on Spain, her hold on India\nwas to become increasingly weaker as her former privileges as\ndiscoverer and first conqueror were undermined by the Dutch,\nthe English and the French, each in their turn allies of the\nlocal rulers. These reverses did not prevent Portugal from\nclaiming her full rights of Padroado when faced with the\ndecisions of the Holy See.\nAs we have seen, Matthew de Castro, who had been\nappointed vicar apostolic of Idalkan, had been treated as an\nintruder. This was the beginning of a severe struggle in which",
      "status": "completed"
    },
    {
      "pageNumber": 110,
      "ocrText": "110 FROM ESTABLISHMENT OF PROPAGANDA TO GREGORY XVI\nhe received many blows and gave many in return. Propaganda\ndid not approve of all he did, yet never lost confidence in him.\nIn fact, he had been zealous in applying the pontifical instruc-\ntions concerning the founding of a native clergy and had suc-\nceeded in obtaining permission for such a clergy to be affiliated\nto the Oratory of St Philip Neri. The other two Goanese vicars\napostolic, Custodio de Pinho and Thomas de Castro, cousins\nof Matthew, acted in the same way. They too were unable to\npersuade the patronato to recognize their authority. Rome\ntherefore ceased to appoint vicars apostolic of Indian race.\nHere, as in China, it was not until the thirties of the twentieth\ncentury that natives were once more to be raised to the\nepiscopate.\nWe may guess what suffering these rivalries caused to sensi-\ntive minds thanks to certain authentic writings dealing with\nthe long and exemplary apostolic life of a Goanese priest,\nJoseph Vaz. It happened that he was at Kanara when the\nconflict between Thomas de Castro and the archbishop of Goa\nwas at its height. The latter had excommunicated all who had\nany relations with his rival; de Castro had retorted by applying\nthe same penalties both to priests administering the sacraments\nby virtue of powers they had received from Goa, and also to\nthe faithful who accepted the sacraments at their hands. The\nunfortunate Vaz had received his powers from the archbishop\nof Goa's vicar forane and so fell under the ban of Thomas de\nCastro. At first he remained obedient to his archbishop and\nurged the faithful to repeat to him the confessions they had\nmade to priests appointed by Propaganda. Then, troubled by\nthe whole affair, he went to discuss his difficulties with Thomas\nde Castro and begged him to grant him jurisdiction and, at\nthe same time, to tone down his warfare against the Padroadists.\nHe obtained what he had asked for. All this never caused his\nzeal to flag. He went bare-footed from village to village, looking\nfor Christian families, reconciling apostates and giving help to\nthose who had been reduced to slavery. Eventually, the quarrels\nbecame such a burden to him that he asked the archbishop of",
      "status": "completed"
    },
    {
      "pageNumber": 111,
      "ocrText": "FROM ESTABLISHMENT OF PROPAGANDA TO GREGORY XVI 111\nGoa for permission to leave Kanara for Ceylon (1684). His\nrequest was granted. He was a man of profound humility and\nbefore his departure he called on his successor, the pro-vicar.\nHe assured him that he had never wanted to offend the vicar\napostolic personally or his priests, and asked to be given public\nconditional absolution. Not that he thought he had deserved\nexcommunication but he wanted nobody to doubt his filial\nrespect for the archbishop of Goa. The pro-vicar realized that\nthe man was a saint and refused.\nJoseph Vaz was able to enter Ceylon, disguised as a beggar,\nin 1688 or thereabouts. The decree expelling all the mission-\naries promulgated by the Dutch after their conquest of the\nisland, had not been withdrawn. Later, a few Goanese had been\nallowed to enter. Vaz joined these, brought the scattered flock\ntogether again and enlarged it in a miraculous fashion. He was\nresponsible for 30,000 conversions in the quarter of a century\nbetween his clandestine entry into the country and his death\nin 1711. The cause of his beatification was introduced almost\nat once. It was then abandoned because of difficulties con-\nnected with the inquiry. It has just been revived on the initia-\ntive of the bishop of Candy. Joseph is the noblest figure among\nthe Goanese clergy who were sufficiently numerous in the\neighteenth century to provide priests for all the churches\nbetween the delta of the Indus to Cape Comarin and from Cape\nComarin to the Ganges.\nAt Madura, the Jesuits, faithful to Fr de Nobili's methods,\ncontinued to base their apostolate on both Sanyassi and Pan-\ndara missionaries. They had little success among the Brahmins;\namong the other castes results were slightly less disappointing\nand year in, year out, about a thousand converts were bap-\ntized. In 1688, the mission was reinforced by French Jesuits\nwho, once they had landed at Pondicherry, obtained permission\nto evangelize the interior and left the French Capuchins to\nminister to the European colony in the town.\nA serious conflict between the two institutes was shortly to\nbreak out when the process of beatification of the greatest",
      "status": "completed"
    },
    {
      "pageNumber": 112,
      "ocrText": "112 FROM ESTABLISHMENT OF PROPAGANDA TO GREGORY XVI\nmissionary in the province at the time, the Jesuit, John de\nBritto, was introduced at Rome. The son of one of King\nJohn IV's Masters of Horse, page and fellow student of the\nfuture regent, Don Pedro, at the age of sixteen he had turned\nhis back on the brilliant career which was opening before him\nwith the firm intention of preaching the Gospel in the Indies.\nAs a Pandara missionary in Panjore, the Eastern province, he\nhad been arrested on several occasions, imprisoned, beaten and\ntortured. He was eventually condemned to death but was\nreprieved by the king of Marava on condition that he gave up\nall preaching and left the country. His superiors sent him back\nto Europe. But nothing, neither prayers nor entreaties nor\npromises of a fine future, could make him forget the missions.\nHe was in Madura again in 1691. He was offered but refused\nthe archbishopric of Cranganore. Faithful to his vocation as\na Pandara, he took up again the same insecure and apostolic\nlife he had previously led. He wrote to his brother: \"Our\nenemies do not cease from harassing us, but the king and his\nministers pay no attention to their recriminations. The king\ncontents himself with declaring that if I were to preach in his\nown territory, he would have me beheaded. I am now trying\nto obtain an audience so as to find out what my legal position\nis.\"\nThe king of Marava was not the kind of man to listen to\nthe complaints of any and everybody, but when one of his\nnieces came to tell him that a neighbouring prince, whose\nyoungest wife she herself was, had repudiated her in order to\nobey the laws of Christ, he decided to put to death the man\nresponsible for his conversion. He entrusted the task of execu-\ntion to one of his brothers who cut John de Britto's throat with\na blow from his scimitar. In the last fifteen months of his life\nJohn de Britto had baptized 8,000 people and the movement\nof conversion had continued after his death, so that the cause\nof his beatification was introduced immediately.\nAt the outset, it roused the liveliest opposition from the",
      "status": "completed"
    },
    {
      "pageNumber": 113,
      "ocrText": "FROM ESTABLISHMENT OF PROPAGANDA TO GREGORY XVI 113\nFrench Capuchins at Pondicherry. In a report they sent to\nRome, they accused John de Britto and all the Jesuits of show-\ning an exaggerated toleration towards the Malabar rites. This\ndenunciation reached Rome at the time Mgr Maillard de Tour-\nnon was about to leave for the Far East as legate with the task\nof settling the problem of the Chinese rites. He was now told to\ninstitute an inquiry into the Malabar rites as well. At Pondi-\ncherry he met Fr de Visdelou who had not been able to accept\nFr Ricci's conclusions in the matter of the rites. The opinion\nof this Jesuit, who was considered a great sinologue, must have\ncarried great weight with the legate. In any case, on June 23rd,\n1704, he signed a decree annulling the toleration granted to\nthese rites by Gregory XV at the request of Fr de Nobili. This\ndecree enjoined obedience under threat of excommunication.\nIt divided the missionaries into two camps. It also caused John\nde Britto's cause to be abandoned, for how could a religious\nbe raised to the honours of the altar if he had practised\ncustoms forbidden by the Holy See? But the Holy See always\nends by rehabilitating those it has ill-treated. John de Britto\nwas beatified in 1851 and canonized in 1941.\nThe Madura mission recruited fewer and fewer Sanyassi and\nPandara vocations after this. Yet there were two other Jesuits\nwho distinguished themselves in this region: Fr Hanxleben, to\nwhom we owe the first Sanskrit grammar, and Fr Beschi, a\nfervent missionary, a polyglot and an extraordinarily prolific\npoet. He wrote lives of the saints, among them one of St Joseph\ncontaining 3,615 quatrains and loaded with quotations from the\nBible; and a Veda Vilakkan, or explanation of Catholic doc-\ntrine in twenty-eight chapters. It was often reprinted in the\nnineteenth century.\nThis brief sketch of Christianity in India would be incom-\nplete without mention of the Syro-Malabar Christian com-\nmunities which, according to a well-established tradition, were\ndescended from the converts of St Thomas, the first Apostle",
      "status": "completed"
    },
    {
      "pageNumber": 114,
      "ocrText": "114 FROM ESTABLISHMENT OF PROPAGANDA TO GREGORY XVI\nof India. All the travellers in the Middle Ages had drawn\nattention to these communities which were dependent on the\nChurch of Antioch or that of Persia through the Catholics of\nSeleucia-Ctesiphon. Were they followers of one or other of the\nEastern heresies, were they schismatics or Catholics both in\nword and at heart? Contemporary scholars still discuss these\nquestions. But, when modern missions began, there was an\ninitial period of peaceful relations, after which in 1599, the\nSynod of Diemper (Udiamperur) declared that they were\nNestorians and decided that they should be forcibly restored\nto communion with Rome. In future, they were to have only\none bishop, a Latin and a suffragan of Goa. Their books were\nto be burnt, their traditions cast aside and the use of Syriac\nlimited to the translation of the calendar, the Latin Missal and\nRitual.\nAn ambitious man, the archdeacon Thomas, put himself at\nthe head of a resistance movement and so was raised to the\ndignity of a mar. But one section of the Syrians refused to\nrecognize his authority and appealed to the Holy See who sent\nthem an Italian Carmelite as vicar apostolic. He succeeded in\nre-establishing unity in his flock but, shortly afterwards, the\ncapture of the town of Cochin by the Dutch led to the departure\nof the bishop. The Syrians were invited by the Dutch occupying\npower to choose a bishop and enthrone him. They split again,\nsome nominating mar Thomas, who adopted the Monophysite\nviews of the patriarchs of Antioch so as to obtain episcopal\nconsecration from a Jacobite bishop. Thus there was a \"new\nparty\". The others, faithful to their original faith, formed the\n\"old party\". This time the schism was complete.\nAlready divided in this way, the St Thomas Christians had\nalso to suffer from the conflict of jurisdiction between the\nbishops of the Padroado and the vicars apostolic. They had\nonly one common desire: to have a hierarchy of their own race\nand this could only alas! become possible by means of a\nschism.",
      "status": "completed"
    },
    {
      "pageNumber": 115,
      "ocrText": "FROM ESTABLISHMENT OF PROPAGANDA TO GREGORY XVI\n115\nTHE PATRONATO MISSIONS IN SOUTH AND NORTH\nAMERICA\nAt the time of the establishment of the Congregation of\nPropaganda, the patronato missions had already taken their\nfinal shape. They were not so much missions as the extension\nor rather the implantation of the Churches of Portugal and\nSpain in the new world, with this very unapostolic addition\nthat they depended on the Council of the Indies and so, in a\nword, escaped from the authority of Propaganda. All attempts\nto reform certain abuses came to nothing.\nIn 1611, the Jesuit, Louis de Valdivia, who had been raised\nto the office of royal commissioner by Madrid, had freed\n10,000 Indians from slavery and had forbidden any fresh raids\nor enslavement. But he succeeded only in enlisting against him\ncolonists, soldiers, officials and the religious of the other\nOrders. Antonio Vieira underwent similar cruel trials in Brazil\nfrom 1652 onwards. This missionary had evangelized some\nfifty villages along 1,000 miles of the coast. He too had\nundertaken to defend the natives and to ask Lisbon to put an\nend to the slave raids. He was listened to and appointed visitor\nof the Brazilian missions. He was thus able to pacify the tribes\non the verge of revolt. Nevertheless he was treated as a sedi-\ntion-monger by the colonists. The Inquisition condemned him\nto two years' imprisonment on account of his book Quinto\nimperio del mondo, and he had many other tussles with the\nsame tribunal in Rome. However, justice was done to him in\nthe end. At the age of seventy-three he then set out again, in-\ndifferent to the honours offered him by the pope, for Brazil,\nwhere he died in Amazonia at the age of eighty-nine.\nOther missionaries experienced the same trials. The criti-\ncisms they aroused, even in missionary circles themselves,\nindicate that dignitaries of the Churches of South America and\nMexico, both secular and regular (except the Capuchins), to the\nextent that they become part of the colonial system, had\nsometimes been influenced by it. It is certain that the clergy,\nall of whom were Spanish or Creole (Vieira himself considered",
      "status": "completed"
    },
    {
      "pageNumber": 116,
      "ocrText": "116 FROM ESTABLISHMENT OF PROPAGANDA TO GREGORY XVI\nthe almazinhas, the little souls of his dear Indians, unready\nfor the time being to receive the priesthood) was badly dis-\ntributed. In the towns, the clergy were too numerous and too\nrich. In the rural parishes and the haciendas they were too\nscarce and too poor. The instruction of the converts suffered\nin consequence.\nBut this is only one aspect of the matter. The other, so clearly\nworthy of admiration, is the work done in the seventeenth and\neighteenth centuries from California, evangelized by Junipero\nSerra, to the Jesuit reductions in Paraguay. Side by side with\nthe static Church of the colonial areas, there was a Church on\nthe march, ardent, resourceful, creative and seeking its inspira-\ntion as best it could in the character of the Indians themselves\nso as to establish and confirm them in Catholicism.\nThis truly apostolic Church, composed of regulars, operated\ngenerally from Lima after it had handed over to the diocesan\nclergy the Indian parishes already established. In the mid-\nseventeenth century, Franciscans founded in the north of Peru\na large Christian community which was laid waste at the end\nof the century by Indians who had not been subdued. The\nFranciscan missions in the south of Peru had been ill-treated\nduring the seventeenth century. They were reopened during\nthe first thirty years of the following century by Fr Francis of\nSt Joseph, and when he died they had made 85,000 converts.\nBut ten years later, an Indian from Cuzco, a self-styled descen-\ndant of the Inca Athualpa, instigated a revolt, in the course\nof which the mission was destroyed and several religious\nmassacred.\nIn Chile, the Spanish had signed a treaty (1641) guaranteeing\npeaceful possession of the land to the Araucanians. The latter,\nwhen they found the treaty was not adhered to, revolted and\ndestroyed part of the mission posts founded by the Jesuits.\nThe Franciscans restored some of these and Fr John Frenezda,\nwho had a perfect knowledge of the local languages, established\ntwo missionary colleges at Chillan and Tariva. A fresh revolt\nled to a new repression which a missionary, Fr Angel",
      "status": "completed"
    },
    {
      "pageNumber": 117,
      "ocrText": "FROM ESTABLISHMENT OF PROPAGANDA TO GREGORY XVI 117\nd'Eispineira, succeeded in mitigating. When peace returned the\nwork begun by the establishment of the colleges produced its\nfirst fruits: the first three Indian priests in Chile were ordained\nin 1794.\nThe earliest Franciscan missions in the east of Peru on the\nterritory which is now Bolivia, obtained almost no results at all\nwhile they were helped by the colonial administration. Then,\nat the end of the eighteenth century, there came a perfect son\nof St Francis, Francis del Pilar. He had the same spirit as the\nPoverello himself, making his way into the court of Melek-\nEl-Kamel. Francis del Pilar settled in a Chiriquan village and\nlived there in poverty for thirty years, indifferent to insults and\nnever ceasing to come to the help of the Indians. In the end,\nthey were moved by his charity and agreed to receive some\nmissionaries. At the beginning of the nineteenth century, the\nChiriquan mission had twenty-two mission posts and more\nthan 16,000 Christians out of a population of 25,000 souls.\nThe Jesuits founded a large number of Indian parishes in the\nbasins of the upper Amazon and the Marañon. Apparently\nthere were three hundred Indian churches in Colombia during\nthe seventeenth century, but they were not completely free from\npaganism. The Jesuits, profiting by the memory of the apos-\ntolate of Fr Claver to the Negroes, made many converts among\nthe Llanos.\nFr Christopher de Torres, who became archibishop of Santa\nFé in 1635, founded there a university college and decided to\nadmit Indians to communion. The most amazing apostle of\nColombia at this time, the Dominican St Louis Bertrand, began\nby evangelizing Cubara, Tenerife and a number of other places,\nbaptizing thousands of Indians and then, sickened by the\nprofligacy, cruelty and love of lucre among far too many of\nthe Spanish officers, returned home to Spain.\nBy far the most original and most effective establishment, the\nrepublic of the Guaranis, stretching from Belem in the north\nto Uruguay in the south, and from Parana in the west to Brazil\nin the east, was the work of the Jesuits. The Guaranis, the",
      "status": "completed"
    },
    {
      "pageNumber": 118,
      "ocrText": "118 FROM ESTABLISHMENT OF PROPAGANDA TO GREGORY XVI\nlargest racial group in South America, were civilized, although\nto a lesser degree than the Incas. They believed in God, but\ntheir belief was an entirely personal one and involved no public\nworship, sacrifices or priests. They had no notion of private\nproperty and their economy was communitarian.\nLoreto, the first community, founded in 1610 on the Parana,\ncomprised two hundred families already baptized. As the\nFathers guaranteed freedom, this initial nucleus attracted\npeople living in nearby villages. This attraction continued to\noperate and the first Reduction was soon overpopulated. It\nsplit in two and so the Reduction of San Ignacio-Mini came\ninto existence by the side of the original one, still on the\nParana. This swarming process went on and all the more since\nthe various freedoms granted by the Jesuits to the convert\nGuaranis had been sanctioned and codified by royal ordinances.\nBut the movement forward was controlled with exemplary\nprudence. The Fathers began by building the Reduction and,\nin order to ensure its economic independence, endowed it with\ncattle and saw that the soil was in good condition to bear crops.\nMany of the inhabitants were still pagans, but the example of\nthe religious and the converts living according to the Gospel\nteaching, prepared them to listen to the catechism which was\nonly taught in full after the village had been completed. As\ntime went on, the \"swarming\" was speeded up. The number of\nReductions in the Guayra rose from thirteen in 1623 to twenty-\nfour in 1630 with a population of 100,000 Guaranis. There\nwere another half-dozen on the Parana and a dozen to the\nsouth-west of the Sierra del Tape. This incomparable success\nhad not failed to give rise to calumnies nor had it escaped the\nslave raids organized by Spaniards and more often still by\nPortuguese. The permission given to Fr de Montoya to arm\nthe Guaranis put an end to this. The Paulista marauders were\ndefeated in 1640 and 1641. A relative peace was established\nbut the loss of Guayra and Tape reduced the Republic of the\nGuaranis to the territory within the area round the spot where",
      "status": "completed"
    },
    {
      "pageNumber": 119,
      "ocrText": "FROM ESTABLISHMENT OF PROPAGANDA TO GREGORY XVI 119\nthe courses of the Parana and the Uruguay are nearest to one\nanother.\nThe Reductions were all built according to the same plan.\nThey included a vast rectangle with a spacious square on one\nof its sides and streets going off at right angles from it and\nlined with houses and blocks of flats. Just off the square were\nthe church, the Cotiguazu (a home for widows, cripples, etc.),\nthe hospital, the school and further on, a large garden.\nPrivate property was unknown. Trade outside or within the\ncommunity was the monopoly of the latter. All in good health\nwere required to do a maximum of eight hours' work per day.\nIn exchange, they were guaranteed all the necessities of life:\nhousing, clothing, food, tools, education and apprenticeship\nfor their children, an old age pension, insurance against sick-\nness and accidents, upkeep of widows and orphans, leisure.\nThe working day began at about nine o'clock after Mass and\nended at about four or five. On Sunday in addition to Mass\nthere were Vespers, Rosary and confraternity meetings. Their\npublic worship gave the Guaranis ceremonies accompanied by\nmusic and chant and all those who witnessed these commented\non the dignified and reverent way in which they were carried\nout.\nOne or two Fathers at the most (and unarmed), assisted by\nthe pick of the young men forming the group known as the\nCongregation of St Michael the Archangel, were all that was\nneeded to keep the peace and ensure fraternal unity.\nThe downfall of the Reductions was not due to any internal\nweakness; it was caused first and foremost by the violent crisis\nthat followed the cession of seven of them by Spain to Portugal,\nthe calumnies spread abroad against the Jesuits by Plombal's\nagents and, finally, the suppression of the Society as a whole.\nThese Paraguay Reductions have been studied and praised\nby men of very different schools of thought. Voltaire praised\nthem as \"a triumph of humanity\". Buffon considered that\n\"nothing has given more honour to religion than the civilizing",
      "status": "completed"
    },
    {
      "pageNumber": 120,
      "ocrText": "120 FROM ESTABLISHMENT OF PROPAGANDA TO GREGORY XVI\nof these nations and the laying of the foundations of an empire\nwith no defensive arms other than those of virtue\".\nThe lesser Antilles do not seem to have been inhabited by\nindigenous peoples properly so-called. The Caribs who landed\nonly a short while before the Spaniards cannot be considered\nas such. Hence, apart from these newcomers, the missionaries\nwere preaching almost wholly to Negroes, slaves imported from\nAfrica.\nThe Caribs whose religion, so it is thought, was a mixture\nof pantheism and shamanism, lived in the most primitive\nsocial conditions. They conceived a ferocious hatred of the\nwhites who had driven them back and tried to impose forced\nlabour on them. Naturally, this feeling extended to the mission-\naries themselves. The first among these, the Dominicans,\npreached the Gospel to them at Guadeloupe. The war between\nthe Caribs and the Europeans obliged them to withdraw. They\nmade further attempts in 1641-2, then in 1652, this time in\ncompany with the Jesuits. This new Carib mission had also to\nleave, after the massacre of two Jesuits. An Anglo-French\nagreement ceded the islands of Dominica and Saint Vincent to\nthe Caribs and in them Dominicans and Jesuits began their\napostolic work again, but with no more success than previously.\nFinally, the mission was abandoned in 1685.\nThe Negro slaves arrived in ever increasing numbers during\nthe eighteenth century. There were 84,000 in Martinique alone\nand 90,000 in Guadeloupe in 1789. Catechists began to instruct\nthem as soon as they landed. When they considered them\nsufficiently advanced, they passed them on to the missionaries.\nThey were only admitted to baptism later, when they had given\nproof of their knowledge and good conduct. With the exception\nof those who had already come under Moslem influence in their\nnative countries, they accepted baptism all the more readily\nsince it was accompanied by holidays and presents and they\nconsidered it a godsend if they were able by trickery or cunning\nto have themselves baptized several times.",
      "status": "completed"
    },
    {
      "pageNumber": 121,
      "ocrText": "FROM ESTABLISHMENT OF PROPAGANDA TO GREGORY XVI 121\nThe Negro Code obliged owners of slaves to give them\nreligious instruction. Many undertook this with reluctance since\nthey considered it equivalent to wasting so many working\nhours and days. When the Fathers reminded them that all men\nwere equal in the sight of God, that baptism was of outstanding\nimportance, they still in general refused to obey them. All these\nobstacles were unable to prevent a West Indian Negro Chris-\ntian community from coming into existence. It was made up of\nvarious elements: a few free men, slaves who were well treated\nand in fact were permanent members of their masters' house-\nholds, and slaves attached to the plantations. These were the\nleast well provided for, since it was very difficult to minister\nto them for the reasons we have mentioned. The escaped slaves\nor maroons were deprived of all religious help.\nJesuits (until the suppression and even afterwards as\nseculars), Dominicans, Capuchins, Carmelites, Friars Minor,\nRecollects, and a few seculars shared the moral responsibility\nfor this Christian community. In all, there were no more than\ntwo hundred priests, a minute number for these hundreds and\nthousands of souls. It is surely not surprising that under such\nconditions this community was not a model one, that it often\nharboured traces of fetishism imported from Africa, and that\nits moral standards were deplorable. But there were within it\nfamilies based on regular marriage. Some of the good\nChristians whom it was found possible to send back to their\nnative land after the abolition of the slave trade and slave\nstatus often became the nucleus around which the first African\nmissions came into existence.\nMGR BORGIA'S INQUIRY REVEALS A GENERAL\nDECLINE: ITS CAUSES\nThe last few chapters suggest that there was a falling-off in\nmissionary work. Its full extent became known when in 1773\nMgr Borgia presented to Clement XIV the general census on\nwhich he had been working since 1765. In China there were",
      "status": "completed"
    },
    {
      "pageNumber": 122,
      "ocrText": "122 FROM ESTABLISHMENT OF PROPAGANDA TO GREGORY XVI\n125,000 Christians, in Tonkin 200,000, a few thousands in\nCochin-China, Siam and Burma, perhaps 500,000 in India\n(225,000 of these were in Goa), 100,000 in Ceylon and 80,000\nSyro-Chaldean Catholics; some tens of thousands in Africa;\n100,000 in Canada and Nova Scotia; 25,000 in the Californian\nmissions and 25,000 in Texas; 400,000 Negroes had been\nevangelized in the West Indies as well as a few hundred\nCaribs: 100,000 Indians in the Paraguay Reductions; and per-\nhaps 100,000 in all the other missions of Portuguese and\nSpanish America: in all, a total of less than two million.\nBut the returns for the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries\ngave the figures for Catholics in Spanish and Portuguese\nAmerica as 15 to 20 million; 4 to 5 million in the Philippines;\n600,000 to 700,000 Japanese. Even if we suppose that one of\nthese lists of figures was drawn up too optimistically and the\nother too strictly or with insufficient data, the divergence is still\ntoo great to allow of any doubt as to the extent of the decline.\nThere were local reasons for it. There is no point in going\nover them once more and they were not the most serious ones;\nthese we must look for in Europe.\nTheir unity in faith had not prevented Spain, Portugal and\nFrance, from the eighteenth century onwards, from waging\nbitter warfare with one another in an attempt to extend their\ncolonies. The Protestant powers, England and Holland, had\nbeen equally greedy and each of their conquests had been\nfollowed by an extension of Protestantism-to Ceylon and\nIndonesia-accompanied by hostility towards Catholicism.\nThese struggles between Europeans could not fail to do a dis-\nservice to the religions they protected.\nIn France, the Jansenist quarrel, aggravated by the quarrel\nover the rites, had slowed down missionary effort in the seven-\nteenth century. The enthusiastic workers, men like Olier,\nVincent de Paul, Bagot, etc., had never really been replaced.\nOf course, these theological disputes emboldened and en-\ncouraged the enemies of Catholicism throughout Europe. They\ndeclared a war to the death against it, a war all the more",
      "status": "completed"
    },
    {
      "pageNumber": 123,
      "ocrText": "FROM ESTABLISHMENT OF PROPAGANDA TO GREGORY XVI 123\ndangerous in that it was waged in the name of reason, progress\nand freedom. Its principal achievement, the Encyclopédie ou\nDictionnaire des sciences, des arts et des métiers, skilfully\nplanned by Diderot and d'Alembert to create \"a general and\nwidespread attitude of hostility towards all that smacked of\nreligion\", gained for the philosophic spirit, thanks to a no less\nskilful circulation policy, converts of high standing outside\nFrance whose decisions dealt a terrible blow to the missions.\nTwo of the most active of these men, Pombal (1699-1782) at\nLisbon, and Aranda (1718-99), a personal friend of Voltaire,\nat Madrid, with the support of all the courts of Europe suc-\nceeded in obtaining from a weak pope, Clement XIV, his\nsignature to the brief Dominus ac Redemptor (1773) which\nsuppressed the Society of Jesus.\nOnce the French Revolution had abolished the religious\nOrders, closed the seminaries, secularized the property of the\nclergy and confiscated the inheritance of \"émigrés\" and\nsuspects, recruitment in France ceased altogether and the work\nof the missions lost a large section of its resources. Finally, for\na quarter of a century the wars of the Revolution and the\nEmpire made communications difficult between Europe and\nthe missions. In view of all this, the very serious decline\nrevealed by the Borgia report was bound to become still more\nmarked.\nIn America and Canada, 137 priests were left and twenty-\nfour of these were missionaries. They were gradually to dis-\nappear. The progress of Catholicism towards the West was\ninterrupted and only revived in the first quarter of the nine-\nteenth century. The Franciscans and then the Dominicans\nreplaced the Jesuits in California and Texas, but Louisiana and\nFlorida and central North America were abandoned for twenty\nyears. In the thirteen states of the Union, Baltimore which\nhad been a prefecture apostolic, was now a diocese but there\nwere twenty-five priests in all for 24,000 Catholics. A handful\nof religious were living in Mexico. They were barely tolerated\nby the new government in revolt against Madrid. There was a",
      "status": "completed"
    },
    {
      "pageNumber": 124,
      "ocrText": "124 FROM ESTABLISHMENT OF PROPAGANDA TO GREGORY XVI\nsimilar shortage in the lesser Antilles (in spite of the addition\nto their numbers provided by French priests, deportees to\nGuiana who had managed to escape) and in Guiana itself\nwhose new prefect apostolic had under his jurisdiction the\nwhole coast as far as Brazil.\nIn South America, the missions had been disorganized by\nwars of independence, and also in Mexico, although in Peru,\nthe Indians remained loyal to their missionaries. The expulsion\nof the Franciscans (1810), the Jesuits' successors in Paraguay,\nbrought in its train the dispersal of the Guaranis and the\nlooting of what remained of the Reductions.\nIn India, the priests of the Paris Foreign Missions were un-\nable to replace the Jesuits except in the Coimbatore, Mysore\nand Carnatic missions. The oversight of the Christian com-\nmunities fell to a hundred or so missionaries of various Orders\nwho were not replaced after their death. A large number of\ntheir converts, deprived of spiritual help, gave up the practice\nof their religion or became Protestants. The four dioceses of\nthe Padroado were to remain without bishops until 1818. This\nwas the fault of Portugal whose governments since Pombal had\nbeen anticlerical.\nIn the Indo-Chinese peninsula, only the Christian com-\nmunity in Annam (Cochin-China, Cambodia, Tonkin), with its\n400,000 Christians, remained steadfast, thanks to the goodwill\nof Gia-Long, the protégé of Mgr Pigneau de Béhaine, and to a\nrelatively numerous native clergy.\nIn China, the French and Portuguese Vincentians succeeded\nthe Jesuits. Two of them, men of learning, had seats on the\nboard of mathematics at Pekin and enjoyed the imperial\nfavour. They were able, for the time being, to protect the\nmissionaries scattered throughout the empire. But nothing\ncould stop the persecution launched by Kiaking in 1802. The\nmissionaries, banished from Pekin, were obliged to take refuge\nat Siwantse, beyond the Great Wall, in Manchuria. Mgr\nDufresse was beheaded and four Chinese priests were put to\ndeath by strangling in 1815. Fr Clet, the Vincentian, and",
      "status": "completed"
    },
    {
      "pageNumber": 125,
      "ocrText": "FROM ESTABLISHMENT OF PROPAGANDA TO GREGORY XVI 125\nFr John de Triora were martyred in 1820. The last missionaries\nhad come out in 1801. No more arrived until 1829. We may\nwell ask what would have become of the China missions whose\nEuropean establishment was decreasing year by year, had not\nthe members of this establishment done all in their power to\ntrain, at Manila in particular and on the spot, a Chinese clergy\n(it numbered eighty-nine priests at the beginning of the cen-\ntury), and had they not been helped by excellent catechists and\nChinese women, nuns by desire if not in fact, entirely devoted\nto apostolic work.\nJapan was still closed to missionaries, but the arrival at\nManila in 1829 of twenty Japanese bringing medals with them\nand wishing to be baptized, showed that the light of faitl\ncontinued to burn there.\nIn Africa, Abyssinia was without missionaries, five or six\nVincentians were in residence at Algiers, three at Tripoli, five\nCapuchins at Tunis, four of whom died of the plague while\ntending those who had been struck down by it. At Benghazi,\na mission had been opened by the Franciscans. In West Africa,\nthe prefecture apostolic of Senegal had not survived the Revolu-\ntion, and two attempts to restore it had failed. In the Congo,\nin Angola and at Mozambique, the remains of the Portuguese\nmissions were in the last stages of decay. In the Indian Ocean\nand on the island of Bourbon in 1818, five Vincentians were\nin charge of eleven parishes with a population of 12,000 whites,\n3,000 blacks and 60,000 slaves. Madagascar had been almost\ngiven up and in 1829 was restored to the immense prefecture\napostolic entrusted to Mgr Solages which comprised all the\nSouth Sea Islands as far as Australia and Oceania, where\nmissionaries were unable to land for a long time to come.\nThe situation was no brighter in the Near East. The see of\nBaghdad had been vacant since 1773 and was not filled until\n1820. The new arrival then found the missions neglected. The\nsame was the case with those of Asia Minor, Syria, Palestine,\nArabia, Cyprus and Egypt.",
      "status": "completed"
    },
    {
      "pageNumber": 126,
      "ocrText": "126 FROM ESTABLISHMENT OF PROPAGANDA TO GREGORY XVI\nFIRST SIGNS OF A RE-AWAKENING OF THE\nMISSIONARY SPIRIT\nSetbacks on every side! It was time to remember that the\nImitation, quoting St Paul, recommends us to accept these\nwith joy, \"for it is always for our salvation that God brings\nabout or permits all that happens to us\". In any case, at the\nend of the seventeenth century, a light suddenly shone in\nKorea, a feeble light indeed, yet kindled in such a surprising\nfashion that it was sufficient to drive darkness and desolation\nfrom the land. It was not the work of any missionary. A treatise\non the Catholic religion which had come from China together\nwith various scientific works, fell into the hands of an educated\nman and made him a Catholic by desire. He shared his dis-\ncovery with a friend about to leave for Pekin with the annual\ndelegation and asked him to make contact with the Christians\nof the Chinese capital. The friend obtained an audience with\nthe archbishop of Pekin, studied Catholic doctrine, was present\nat some of the ceremonies, was himself won over and asked\nfor baptism. This he received and once back again in Seoul,\nloaded with books and pious objects, baptized the Catholic by\ndesire. Between them, they converted a third scholar in their\nsmall circle. The three of them converted others and worked\nto such good effect that the first priest to enter Korea, James\nTsiu, found there 4,000 Catholics who had remained steadfast\nunder fierce persecution. This priest was beheaded in 1801 and\nwith him several Koreans of high rank. The \"underground\"\nChurch of Korea then numbered some 10,000 faithful and\nseveral martyrs. Yet no missionary had come to it. It was\nalready so steeped in the spirit of Catholicism that it asked\nthe pope to send a bishop and some priests. The letter reached\nFontainebleau at the time when Pius VII was Napoleon's\nprisoner and quite unable to give a favourable reply for lack\nof missionaries. A new request in 1827 decided Leo XII to\nentrust Korea to the Paris Foreign Missions, but they were\nunable to send out missionaries until 1835.\nIn France, Napoleon at first seemed anxious to rebuild the",
      "status": "completed"
    },
    {
      "pageNumber": 127,
      "ocrText": "FROM ESTABLISHMENT OF PROPAGANDA TO GREGORY XVI 127\nruins left by the Revolution, but for reasons of a political\nnature. These were analysed in the Portalis report and the\nemperor summed them up cynically in an address to the\nCouncil of State: \"... These religious will be very useful to\nme in Africa, Asia and America. I shall send them out to\ngather information on the state of affairs in the various\ncountries...\"\nA decree of March 23rd, 1805, therefore legalized the exist-\nence of the Society of the Foreign Missions, the Seminary of\nthe Holy Spirit and the Vincentian Congregation. But fresh\ndifficulties with the Holy See, caused by the unbridled\nGallicanism of the emperor, brought in their train the revoca-\ntion of these decrees of 1805 in Paris, and in Rome (soon after\noccupied by Miollis), the suppression of the Congregation of\nPropaganda, the seizure of its archives and the control of its\nfinances by the imperial authority.\nAfter the collapse of the Empire, Pius VII reorganized the\nCongregation of Propaganda in 1817. In Paris, Louis XVIII re-\nestablished the Society of the Foreign Missions by the decree\nof March 2nd, 1815, the seminary of the Holy Spirit and the\nVincentians by the decree of February 3rd, 1816.\nMoreover, this legal re-establishment was accompanied by a\nre-awakening of the missionary spirit. It may be asked to\nwhom or to what this was due. We must certainly not dis-\nregard the deep emotion aroused by the Génie du christianisme\n(1802), but the new editions of the Lettres édifiantes et curieuses\nwere even more influential. It was while listening to a com-\nmentary on these at a meeting of the association of prayer for\nthe salvation of the infidels that a Lyonese woman of great\npiety, Pauline-Marie Jaricot, thought of the idea of making\ncollections for the missions. It was from this initial effort that\nthe work of the Propagation of the Faith was to emerge in\n1822. In the same year, the Council of this Society began to\npublish extracts from missionaries' letters under the title of\nNouvelles des Missions (\"News of the Missions\"), to be re-",
      "status": "completed"
    },
    {
      "pageNumber": 128,
      "ocrText": "128 FROM ESTABLISHMENT OF PROPAGANDA TO GREGORY XVI\nplaced in 1825 by Les Annales de la Propagation de la Foi\n(\"Annals of the Propagation of the Faith\").\nFrom the ruins left by the Revolution and with the intention\nof rebuilding them, there came into being three new institutes\nwhose chief object was the apostolate ad infideles: the Con-\ngregation of the Sacred Hearts of Jesus and Mary, approved\nin 1800 and better known as the Société de Picpus from the\nname of the street in Paris where it was founded during the\nEmpire by Fr Coudrin; the Society of Mary (Marists) founded\nby the Venerable Fr Colin and approved by Pius VII in 1822;\nthe Congregations of the Oblates of Mary Immaculate, estab-\nlished in 1816 by Mgr de Mazenod.\nFinally, the resumption of exploration and the campaigns\nagainst slavery contributed, as early as the beginning of the\nnineteenth century, towards the creation of an atmosphere\nfavourable to the missions. Fifty years later, the furious river\nrapids which form a sheer barrier to navigation round almost\nthe whole coast of Africa, had been everywhere crossed.\nThrough the breaches the missions, which had previously\nbeen confined almost exclusively to the coasts, were able to\nmove forward into the interior of the continent and sometimes\nto complete the work of the explorers.",
      "status": "completed"
    },
    {
      "pageNumber": 129,
      "ocrText": "PART III\nFROM GREGORY XVI TO\nBENEDICT XV",
      "status": "completed"
    },
    {
      "pageNumber": 130,
      "ocrText": "",
      "status": "completed"
    }
  ]
}